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Dame Kathleen Kenyon Biography

Laura Brussel
The Dirt Archaeologist: Dame Kathleen Kenyon
Crystal Skulls & Lost Worlds, Dr. Terneny
University of Colorado Denver
February 1, 2018
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Background & Career Highlights

Dame Kathleen Kenyon was born January 5, 1906 in London, England. Kenyon was a notable figure in the field of archaeology whose most famous work was her excavation of Jericho and subsequent findings of it to be the oldest continually occupied human settlement. Kenyon began her career in 1929 as a photographer for another notable female figure in archaeology: Gertrude Canton-Thomson. Kenyon went on to cofound, with the Wheelers, the University London’s Institute of Archaeology. She became the appointed honorary director of the British School of Archaeology in Jerusalem in 1951, eventually leading her own excavation at Jericho between 1952 and 1958, then another in Jerusalem from 1962 to 1967. In that time she was also the principal of Saint Hugh’s College, retiring in 1973, whereupon she received her title Dame of the Order of the British Empire. She died August 24, 1978 in Wales (Nash, 2005). 

Notable Sites & Best Known Works

Kenyon’s most notable archaeological work was the excavation at Jericho, (modern Tel es-Sultan, Palestine), which indicated that Jericho was the earliest known walled-city, complete with a tower. The settlement had been repaired and rebuilt over fifteen times due to earthquakes. Her work also disproved the religious dating of John Garstang, who dated the destruction of the walls to 1400 BCE, (suggesting that the Biblical tale of the Israelite destruction of Jericho was correct). Kenyon, however, dated the city to the Neolithic (c. 8000 BCE). Therefore, Kenyon’s interpretation designates Jericho as a small, unwalled, settlement in 1400 BCE. This conclusion also disproves Carl Watzinger’s analysis of jar handles and Egyptian scarabs found near the site, who dated the destruction of the wall to the Middle Bronze period (1500-1200 BCE) (Britannica Academic, Nash, 2005).
In addition to correctly dating Jericho’s rise and fall, Kenyon’s work found evidence of elaborate Neolithic funeral rites. Her most striking discovery in this arena was the plaster-covered skulls embedded with shell eyes and molded to retain the individual’s features. As we discussed in class, this was a monumental discovery because it shows that the Neolithic peoples of the time were interested in preserving their ancestors visually as we do today with photographs of deceased loved ones (Dever, 1978, Kenyon, 1957).

Personal Idea Development in Archaeology

Kenyon’s personal theological interest and development begins with the guidance of her Father, Sir Frederich Kenyon who was a biblical scholar and critic, who dabbled in archaeology. Kenyon herself did not hold a Phd., which did not hold her back from becoming a creator of new stratigraphic techniques and an excellent field archaeologist. Kenyon was also greatly influenced by Mortimer and Tessa Wheeler, whom she helped excavate a Roman theater in England from 1930-1935. Considered the founders of modern British archaeology, the Wheelers created the Wheeler system, a methodology used to excavate the horizontal remains of human occupation (Dever, 1978, Nash, 2005). While we learned in class that this method is now obsolete because of the danger involved, at the time it was the best methodology available.
Kenyon was not a well-known Palestinian archaeologist until later in her life, while her early career was centered on Roman and British sites. However, her reputation as a “dirt archaeologist” was unparalleled, and allowed her to work in Palestine. Her work reads like that of a skilled, objective scientist, and this attitude was noticed by those who knew her professionally. Her work spoke for itself, and her gender never held her back from academic excellence. She would rather work, teach, and study in the field than a classroom, and had little time or care to argue about methods with other scholars (Dever, 1978).
While questions may be raised about her political and religious attitudes, her political views were always absent in her books and publications. She worked with both Jordanian and Israeli students in London, and engaged in academic discussions with Israeli archaeologists during her retirement.

Perception of Works

While Kenyon is often called a “Biblical archaeologist,” her work is in direct opposition to this label, described in her obituary as a “dirt archaeologist.” While she worked at many Biblically significant sites, criticism of her work comes from “Evangelical archaeologists” like Bryant Wood. Wood opposes Kenyon’s findings, interpreting the Biblical story of the Israelites destroying Jericho to be correct. His work was rejected by three different professional publications, in his words because he was labeled a fundamentalist. He was eventually published by the Biblical Archaeological Review, sponsored by the Biblical Archaeology Society, which consists of very few actual archaeologists (Govier, 2003).
 Overall, however, Kenyon’s work has been accepted as the dominant interpretation of the Jericho site. Her work is still considered groundbreaking and she is remembered as a renowned archaeologist with exemplary skill in stratigraphy, field work, and interpretations of the past.

Annotated Bibliography

Britannica Academic, s.v. "Dame Kathleen Kenyon," accessed January 29, 2018, http://academic.eb.com.aurarialibrary.idm.oclc.org/levels/collegiate/article/Dame-Kathleen-Kenyon/45128.
This source was a standard Encyclopedia entry, with links to other definitions and sources, good interactive features such as citation tools, search bar, font size adjustment. Additionally, the heading was pleasing visually and the links had some photos and videos. I gave this source a score of 57, falling under the “excellent” category. Where the site lost points was the brief quality of the scope of the article, however that is to be expected with an Encyclopedia entry.

Dever, William G. "Kathleen Kenyon (1906-1978): A Tribute." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, no. 232 (1978): 3-4. http://www.jstor.org.aurarialibrary.idm.oclc.org/stable/1356696.
This source was akin to a eulogy, it was a tribute from the Editor of the Bulletin. Using the Sturges & Griffin (2003) criteria, I gave this source a score of 48 total, falling under the “good” category. Where the source lost points was: a lack of a counter, author subject to bias, and it’s not necessarily attractive website. Additionally, the site did not qualify to be revised and therefore lost content points. The source was found on JSTOR, a reputable site with helpful interactive features such as the citation feature, which you can choose to cite in APA, Chicago, MLA, etc. 

Figure 1. Manning, Joseph. "Plastered Skulls and Teraphim." Ancientworldtour. March 25, 2012. Accessed January 29, 2018. https://ancientwordtour.wordpress.com/2012/03/24/teraphim/.
The website that I accessed simply for my photograph was a blog entry on the use of the word teraphim in archaeology and in the Bible. I gave the website a score of 44 overall, falling under the “good” category. Where the site lost points was mainly in the content section, because of some issues that arose concerning the author’s reputability and the fact that there was no works cited or bibliography included. While some of the external links did work and take you to museum sites, mostly the links did not work. Where the site gained points was in the workability and the graphic design sections.

Govier, Gordon. "Biblical Archaeology's dusty little secret: the James Bone Box controversy reveals the politics beneath the science." Christianity Today, October 2003, 36+. World History in Context (accessed January 29, 2018). http://aurarialibrary.idm.oclc.org/login?url=http://link.galegroup.com/apps/doc/A108694155/WHIC?u=auraria_main&xid=3c2e6f60.
This source was also from the Gale Virtual Reference Library, (GVRL), and therefore scored very similarly to the Nash article. I scored this source at 60, still “excellent,” but slightly below the Nash article for several reasons. While the site was still scoring high in graphic design, workability, and overall quality, the site lost points in the content. The Christianity Today author lost points because of unclear writing and lack of reputability in the field of archaeology. The author is a news director and hosts a radio program twice a week.

Kenyon, Kathleen M. 1957. Digging up jericho: The results of the jericho excavations, 1952-1956. London: E.Benn.
This source is an actual hardcover book! Unfortunately, the Sturges & Griffin (2003) article is only for rating websites specifically. I used this source to form my own opinion about the content and to gain insight about Kenyon herself. Who she was, how she wrote her publications, and whether or not she allowed personal politics to interfere with her scientific writing. I also tried to find an online source (the blog entry) with a copy of the same photo in the book.

Nash, Kathleen S. "Kenyon, Kathleen." In Encyclopedia of Religion, 2nd ed., edited by Lindsay Jones, 5110-5111. Vol. 8. Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA, 2005. Gale Virtual Reference Library (accessed January 29, 2018). http://link.galegroup.com.aurarialibrary.idm.oclc.org/apps/doc/CX3424501706/GVRL?u=auraria_main&sid=GVRL&xid=7cf9d676.
  This source, from the Encyclopedia of Religion, accessed through the Gale Virtual Reference Library, was my most useful source, and was where I got most of the information for the paper. I gave this source a score of 63, falling under the “excellent” category. The only reason why this source was marked off was because there was no site visitor counter, and there were no photos. Otherwise it hit everything on the checklist.

Ancient Musical Instruments

Laura Brussel
Southwestern Archaeology
Research Paper
December 6, 2018

Abstract

     This research paper will explore, discuss, and answer the question of how musical instruments’ significance may have changed over time for various Indigenous Southwestern Cemenahuac cultures. Archaeological and ethnographic evidence will be used to support the research question. Evidence and analysis of flutes, sounding rasps, foot drums, shell trumpets, and copper bells will all be explored across three broad culture areas; the Ancestral Puebloan, the Mogollon, and the Hohokam. The time period examined will be from Basketmaker I to the Proto-historic period. Current ethnographic evidence will be used consciously, understanding that culture-ways change over time, and that Spanish and American occupation drastically changed Southwest Indigenous culture and destroyed some 50 to 90% of the population (Stannard, 1993).

Introduction

     Music archaeology is a small field within archaeology. A related field, ethnomusicology, is a larger field with a substantial body of work. However, in the scheme of things, it is still a specialized field in general. Broadly, ethnomusicology is the study of music in culture (International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences).
The controversy in this field has to do with the criteria for defining instruments in the archaeological record. Several authors point out the difficulty of determining whether or not an object is truly an instrument, as many objects have multiple uses. This has especially significant effects on the literature, since Western ethnographers and archaeologists are more likely to identify instruments that are analogous to Western or European instruments. For example, the bulk of the literature is on flutes, an easily recognizable instrument with only one function. There is less research on instruments which may have multiple uses and are not similar to Western instruments such as; sounding rasps, gourd rattles, and baskets. Some ethnographic evidence reveals that empty baskets can be turned upside down and played like a drum or used as resonators (Densmore, 1972, Brown, 1965, Payne, 1991). 
      The literature on the archaeology of instruments in the Southwestern Cemenahuac region is scarce and outdated. Due to the nature of traditional instruments such as drums, rattles, wooden flutes and gourds, very few musical instruments survive in the archaeological record. What instruments do persist are mentioned briefly in archaeological site reports, and further specialized analysis is rare, with the exceptions of Barber et al., 2009, Mills & Ferguson, 2008, and Brown, 1965. In this paper I will summarize the work that has been done and suggest directions for future research in music archaeology of the Southwest Cemenahuac.

Flutes

     According to (Harris, 2016), flutes, (woodwinds) and whistles provided Cemenahuac’s first melodies. In the Southwest, flutes and bird whistles have been found at Ancestral Puebloan, Hopi, Pima and Tohono O’odham sites as early as A.D. 620. In the Historic or Entrada period, flutes and whistles were described by Conquistadors (Harris, p. 23).
     Flute imagery is another source that music archaeology can look to due to lack of preservation of wooden flutes. For instance, the Hopi fertility god Kokopelli is found in Ancestral Puebloan and Hohokam rock art and ceramics since A.D. 1000. Kokopelli is normally depicted playing a flute (Harris, p.23). (Brown, 1965) and (Barber, 2008) also use ceramic and rock art imagery to support their evidence of flute use in the past.
     The presence of bone whistles and sounding rasps are recorded at Grasshopper Pueblo in 1979 by Sandra L. Olsen. She identifies two types of musical instruments made from bird and mammal bones in her report of bone artifacts at Grasshopper Pueblo (Olsen, p. 357). This site was occupied from A.D. 1275 – 1400 and is considered part of the Late Mogollon period (Olsen, p. 341). Olsen describes the method of manufacture and the number of instruments found. She also includes ethnographic evidence to support the sounding rasps’ identification as a musical instrument. Olsen fails to include the location where these instruments were found and therefore a hypothesis about their probable significance is difficult to determine from the literature.
Olsen uses little ethnographic evidence to support her definitions of the bone objects found, and the article overall does not come to many conclusions about the provenience or significance of the artifacts discussed.
     Payne’s work, while somewhat outdated, demonstrates an in-depth analysis of bone flutes at Ancestral Puebloan sites (Payne, 1991). Payne summarizes, describes, and analyzes the tonality of flutes at various Ancestral Puebloan sites such as Po-shu, Sapawe, Paa-ko, Pecos, and Otowi. Hohokam and Mogollon areas are briefly mentioned, noting that flutes from these areas are mainly made of hollow reeds and therefore bone flutes are rare in those areas. Payne points out that hollow bone tubes have many other uses such as turkey calls, beads, straws, gaming pieces and others (Payne, p. 166).
     Payne’s article signifies what Barber et al. (2009) calls a “theoretical shift away from materialist perspectives in anthropological archaeology, (and) a growing interest in incorporating information from such objects into archaeological interpretations of ancient society” (Barber et al., p. 94). Payne does this in an original way by analyzing the tonal harmonies of flutes in the Ancestral Puebloan record. He concludes that the Ancestral Puebloan had “some concept of natural scales (…) they (the flutes) served very well as signaling devices, pitch pipes, for ceremonial purposes, to announce and enliven events, (and) as a means of communication” (Payne, p. 175).
     Another source on flutes shows that even wooden flutes and their feather decorations can sometimes be preserved in the Southwest, as demonstrated by Bakkegard & Morris in 1961. Two of the flutes recovered from Broken Flute Cave were in good enough condition to even be played, and the tonality of the flutes could thus be obtained. The site was dated to A.D. 620-670, and was located in Northeastern Arizona. Two of the flutes were found tied together, buried under the floor of the house. Two were found in association with a burial. Ethnographic evidence of modern Hopi people and their Flute Societies was used while acknowledging that the modern Hopi live differently than their ancestors. The authors surmised that similar ceremonies may have been used even up to 1,300 years ago (Bakkegard & Morris, 1961). 
Lastly, while outside the geographical range of the Southwestern Cemenahuac, Sarah Barber, Gonzalo Sanchez, and Mireya Olvera do an excellent, contemporary analysis of a bone flute found in ancient Oaxaca. Theoretically, the authors demonstrate a holistic understanding of the music archaeology field and use an interdisciplinary approach advantageously. Using techniques and data from archaeology, organology, iconography, ethnography, and ethnohistory, the flute could be examined from all angles and understood on many levels.

Sounding Rasps:

      As mentioned previously, Sandra Olsen describes sounding rasps in her analysis of bone artifacts from Grasshopper Pueblo in 1979. Olsen briefly examines ethnographic evidence to support her classification of the sounding rasps as musical instruments.
 Sounding rasps are illustrated in Frisbie’s book, “Music and dance research of southwestern united states indians: Past trends, present activities, and suggestions for future research” from 1977, but no further analysis is mentioned.
        Sounding rasps or “scraped idiophones” are discussed in Brown’s “Distribution of Sound Instruments in the Prehistoric Southwestern United States” from 1965. Brown does an excellent job of thoroughly combining data from archaeological sites and from ethnomusicology to provide an overview of musical instruments in the prehistoric Southwest. Not only does Brown mention sites and materials, he pulls in iconography from ceramics and murals, as well as ethnographic data from the present, using an interdisciplinary approach much like Barber et al. (2009).
Brown discusses sounding rasps from Southeastern Arizona, the Mogollon area, the Rio Grande area, and from Hawikuh (Brown, 1965). The earliest sites with rasps date to A.D. 1200, and are normally made of ribs, scapula, long bone, antlers, or wood. Brown notes the small number of rasps is surprising considering their frequent use in the Historic period by Pueblo, Pima, Papago, and Apache (Brown, 1965). Brown does not expand on this point, but two interpretations can be made from his statement. One, that sounding rasps possibly don’t survive well in the archaeological record due to taphonomic reasons, or two, that rasps increased in popular use from A.D. 1200 to the Historic period.
      Finally, sounding rasps are discussed in (Densmore, 1972). She describes sounding rasps as “notched stick rattles” or “scraping sticks” (Densmore, p. 3). The sounding rasps are described as a stick with horizontal notches on its surface, and a shorter stick or bone which is rubbed across the notches. Densmore does describe the length which is 20 to 25in. She also notes that the notched stick rests on a resonator in order to amplify the sound, which can be a basket, sheet of tin, or a gourd.

Foot drums: 

      Foot drums, or plank resonators, are found in modern Acoma, Walpi, and Zuni pueblos. They are found in Great Kivas and in ceremonial houses. They are also found at Chaco Canyon and up through Mesa Verde in the archaeological record (Brown, 1965). Brown argues that foot drums developed in mountainous regions before A.D. 400, but by A.D. 1000 they had spread North and become part of the Great Kiva tradition. Then by A.D. 1300, they had spread to the Rio Grande region (Brown, p. 72). Brown does not give evidence for foot drums prior to A.D. 1000, therefore his inferences about foot drums appearing as early as A.D. 400 is questionable. Mostly, foot drums are mentioned as archaeological features within the Kiva, and the wooden planks that once covered the feature are absent (Stone, 2018).
Robert H. Lowie gives a brief communication about the foot drum in 1938. While outdated, Lowie does describe the foot drum as a small square foot pit in the kiva floor covered with a five or six-foot long wooden slab, which is perforated over the pit. Performers step on the board and move in a gliding step from one end to the other or stamp their feet upon it (Lowie, 1938). Lowie uses the comparative method and suggests (without evidence) that the foot drum of the Southwest had a single historic origin that must have been similar to the foot drum of the Northern Maidu of California (Lowie, 1938).

Shell trumpets:

       Mills & Ferguson (2008) provide an excellent, contemporary analysis of shell trumpets in the Southwestern Cemenahuac. Mills & Ferguson argue that shell trumpets were an important part of the ritual network and represented a shift to serpent iconography or the great plumed serpent from Mexico. Shell trumpets also seem to have played a role in curing and sorcery ceremonies, as well as being blown during warfare. Notably, the authors describe Hopi and Zuni ceremonies which involve the plumed serpent or Kolowisi (Zuni) or Paaloloqangw (Hopi). The shell trumpet is used to “produce the distinctive voice of (the) serpent” (Mills & Ferguson, p. 343). The shell trumpet associated with the plumed serpent ceremonies is no accident, for the plumed serpent ceremonies at Hopi and Zuni are associated with rain needed for crops, while simultaneously praying for storms that aren’t too violent (Mills & Ferguson, p. 354).
  Mills & Ferguson argue that shell trumpet use linked diverse regions of the Southwest. Finally, they argue that shell trumpets had “animacy” or their own agency and were “animate” objects (Mills & Ferguson, 2008). The earliest shell trumpets are found from late pre-classic Hohokam and Chaco, with no examples prior to A.D. 1150, except at the Wind Mountain site in the Mimbres region (Mills & Ferguson, 2008). Mills & Ferguson give a detailed survey of sites in the Southwest which contain shell trumpets, what types of shells were used, and when possible, the context of the shell trumpets within a site. Overall, shell trumpets are rare in the Southwest, making their ritual and ceremonial significance even greater. After A.D. 1250, however, shell trumpets became more widespread, but were still rare overall.
Henry Boekelman also discusses shell trumpets in Arizona, in 1936. One shell trumpet examined was from the Hohokam site of Snaketown, another from Pueblo Bonito, and some from Gila Peublo, and Waputki. This early article discusses the question of whether the shell trumpet was introduced to the Southeast region of the Mississippi valley by “the whites, or whether the latter copied their usage from the aborigines” (Boekelman, p. 30). Boekelman does argue that on the California coast and in the Southwest and Central/South Cemenahuac there is a well-documented use of shell trumpets in the pre-Columbian time period.

Copper Bells: 

      Copper bells are discussed in Brown, 1965, and Haury, 1947. Brown describes copper bells made with the wax casting process at sites in the Southwest after A.D. 900. He agrees with the bulk of literature that these bells were traded into the area from Northwest and Central Mexico. Brown mentions the size of these bells as generally being around ½in to 1in in diameter, and mentions Haury’s 1947 article on the larger, (4in diameter) bell. Imitation clay bells have been found at Gila Bend, Awatovi, Pecos, Unshagi, Pottery Mound and Luna county. These were manufactured locally as an imitation of the copper bells, beginning around A.D. 1000 and later.
Haury (1947) discusses one “mammoth” copper bell in depth, found near Mammoth, Arizona at a site shared by both Hohokam and Saladoans. The site may have been occupied from A.D. 1200-1400. However, the copper bell was found in a 14th century trash heap, and so it’s difficult to determine the bell’s significance. Haury summarizes the presence of copper bells as being import items from Mexico, and notes that the size of the bell is rare both in the Southwest and Mexico.   
Copper bells have sometimes been found embedded in the plaster of Kiva wall niches and floors at Chaco, Galaz, and Mimbres sites (Stone, 2018). These copper bells represent a unique challenge to archaeologists and ethnographers. Why were they embedded in the wall as dedicatory items? Was it because the bells were treasured for their unique musical quality? Perhaps they were significant because they represented a strong trade connection with Mexico, as it is right now, the literature is silent on the matter.

Conclusion:

       In the case of shell trumpets, the significance of these musical instruments seems to have changed over time to represent the plumed serpent ideology and had increased significance at sites with many shell trumpets in the assemblage (Paquimé, Casa Grande, Grewe, and Pueblo Bonito). Copper bells and shell trumpets seem to have increased in significance at the same time that trade with Mexico increased. Flutes may have also had increased significance over time and have a well-documented use in the past and the present (Bakkegard, 1961, Barbet et. al, 2008, Brown, 1965, Harris, 2016, Olsen, 1979, Payne, 1991). Flutes seem to have been played for ritual, work, and courtship purposes (Harris, 2016, Densmore, 1972). Foot drums seem to have evolved and gained popularity along with the Great Kivas in the Chaco and post-Chaco era (Brown, 1965). Sounding rasps may not have survived well in the record, since they are significant during the Historic period. Or, sounding rasps may have had increased popularity and use over time due to well-documented use in the Historic but little archaeological evidence from Basketmaker I to the Proto-historic (Brown, 1965, Densmore, 1972, Olsen, 1979).
      Overall, trying to make ritual or symbolic meaning from the archaeological record is a dangerous precedent that sometimes borders on the unscientific. What we can say with confidence is that musical instruments existed in the Southwest Cemenahuac, and that they were often associated with ritual areas (kivas, ceremonial rooms, ceremonial storage rooms, and burials). The significance of various musical instruments changed over time, but the essence of making music did not.
The main controversy within the fields of music archaeology and ethnomusicology is how to define an instrument. Defining criteria is often absent in the literature, for example, foot drums in (Brown, 1965) are not described, explained, or defined. Their presence at different sites and their rise in popularity is discussed, but the instrument itself is left up to the imagination. The clearest definitions of instruments are found in the literature concerning flutes, which is a recognizable instrument to most Western researchers. Another controversy in the field is that defining instruments in the archaeological record is difficult when some instruments double as everyday use objects, such as baskets or gourds (Densmore, 1972, Brown, 1965, Payne, 1991).

Suggestions for Future Research:

        Future research would do well to use an interdisciplinary approach similar to (Brown, 1965), (Mills & Ferguson, 2008), and (Barber et al., 2009). Using an interdisciplinary approach will reduce the biases of a Western researcher attempting to understand musical instruments of the Indigenous peoples of the Southwestern Cemenahuac. An interdisciplinary approach can also address the issues of a lack of musical instrument artifacts. By interpreting ceramics, murals, rock art, and ethnomusicology, ancient musical instruments can be identified without the physical instrument being found.
         Ethnographic research can also be a valuable tool when used correctly. However, ethnographic research should be used consciously and carefully, noting that culture-ways change over time and that Spanish and American occupation drastically reduced populations some 50-90% (Stannard, 1993).
Future research should focus on foot drums, copper bells, sounding rasps, rattles, drums, and bull-roarers. Future research should also concentrate on creating defining criteria for what a musical instrument is, and how to describe one. Future research may also see fit to focus on the lives of musicians in the pre-historic Southwest, and determine if musicians received higher status than other individuals.   

Bibliography

Bakkegard, B. M., and E. A. Morris. 1961. Seventh century flutes from arizona. Ethnomusicology 5 (3): 184-6.

Barber, Sarah B. "Sounds of Death and Life in Mesoamerica: The Bone Flutes of Ancient Oaxaca." Yearbook for Traditional Music 41, (2009): 94-110.

Densmore, Frances. Music of Acoma, Isleta, Cochiti, and Zuñi Pueblos. Vol. 165. New York: Da Capo Press, 1972.

Brown, Donald Nelson. 1967. The distribution of sound instruments in the prehistoric southwestern united states. Ethnomusicology 11 (1): 71-90.

Boekelman, Henry J. "Shell Trumpet from Arizona." American Antiquity 2, no. 1 (1936): 27-31.
"Ethnomusicology." In International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 2nd ed., edited by William A. Darity, Jr., 19-20. Vol. 3. Detroit, MI: Macmillan Reference USA, 2008. Gale Virtual Reference Library (accessed November 30, 2018).
http://link.galegroup.com.aurarialibrary.idm.oclc.org/apps/doc/CX3045300753/GVRL?u=auraria_main&sid=GVRL&xid=f8d3841a.

Frisbie, Charlotte Johnson. 1977. Music and dance research of southwestern united states indians: Past trends, present activities, and suggestions for future research. Vol. no. 36. Detroit: Information Coordinators.

Harris, Craig. 2016. Heartbeat, Warble, and the Electric Powwow : American Indian Music. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Accessed October 24, 2018. ProQuest Ebook Central.

Haury, Emil W. "A Large Pre-Columbian Copper Bell from the Southwest." American Antiquity13, no. 1 (1947): 80-82.

Lowie, Robert H. "The Emergence Hole and the Foot Drum." American Anthropologist, New Series, 40, no. 1 (1938): 174. http://www.jstor.org.aurarialibrary.idm.oclc.org/stable/661817.

Mills, Barbara J. and T. J. Ferguson. "Animate Objects: Shell Trumpets and Ritual Networks in the Greater Southwest." Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 15, no. 4 (2008): 338-361.

Olsen, Sandra L. "A Study of Bone Artifacts from Grasshopper Pueblo, AZ P:14:1." Kiva 44, no. 4 (1979): 341-373.

Payne, Richard W. "Bone Flutes of the Anasazi." Kiva 56, no. 2 (1991): 165-177.

Stannard, David E. American Holocaust: The Conquest of the New World. New York: Oxford University Press, 1993.

Stone, Tammy. Lecture, University of Colorado Denver, Denver, Fall 2018.

American Indian Art Analysis

Laura Brussel
American Indian Art Essay
October 28, 2018


      The following items are from the Denver Art Museum’s online collection. A review and description of the art objects are presented, along with photographs and background about the artists. 
The first art object is a miniature wedding jar by Acoma artist Wanda Aragon. The art object is currently not on display at the museum but is found in the online collection. The jar is dated to 1993, made with clay and paint. The object was gifted to the museum by Virginia Vogel Mattern in 2003, after being bought at Santa Fe Indian Market in 1993. It is quite small, which was surprising since the photo does not have any scale reference, but the jar is only 3 ¼ in. tall! On the base of the jar is an inscription: “Dzinats’ituwits’a / W. Aragon / rain cloud design / 1992?” 
      Wedding jars intrigue me since I am recently engaged. The traditions surrounding them are quite sweet, and a simple ceremony where a medicine man blesses the water the night before the wedding, and then the day of, the couple drinks from each side of the jar as a symbol of the couple’s unity and spiritual consummation (Berger, 2012). Many Southwestern communities produce wedding jars, and so it’s no surprise that Aragon chose this style of jar and the unique triangular rain cloud design on the surface. Rain and rain cloud motifs show up in the Southwest’s archaeological record early on, and these cultures have been renowned for their ceramics for centuries. Wanda Aragon, or Dzinats’ituwits’a, is a celebrated artist who specializes in miniature ceramics, making pottery in a traditionalist, sustainable method (Adobe Gallery).
This painting, “O’Keeffee, After Whistler” from 2007 by famous Chippewa artist David Bradley is on display at the Denver Art Museum, in the “Stampede: Animals in Art” exhibit. The painting is rather large at 40 ¼ in by 50in, similar to the Whistler painting’s dimensions. The painting is a take on the infamous painting by James McNeill Whistler from 1871, “Arrangement in Grey and Black No.1” which has since become an American icon and one of the most recognizable paintings ever. The title of Bradley’s interpretation, “O’Keeffee, After Whistler” pays homage to both Whistler and another famous artist, Georgia O’Keeffee. O’Keeffee famously moved to New Mexico for the latter half of her life and drew inspiration from the beautiful state (Georgia O’Keeffee Museum, 2018). What I found intriguing about this painting was not the cat, (seemingly why the painting is in the “Stampede” exhibit), but rather the contrast between O’Keeffee’s conservative, black Victorian style dress and the vibrant colors of the room, the paintings and the flowers. 
This painting could be interpreted in two ways: one that O’Keeffee and Whistler both represent non-Native American artists while Bradley is known for leading a legislative campaign against fraudulent artists claiming to be Indigenous (Blue Rain Gallery, 2016). Certainly, neither O’Keeffee or Whistler claimed to be Indigenous, but O’Keeffee did draw heavily on New Mexico’s Indigenous people’s art styles. The second interpretation is that Bradley’s painting is a way to honor both famous artists in a whimsical way. The presence of the cat and the outlet under the desk in the bottom half of the frame allow for a gentle, more modern look at both artists.  

Bibliography

Berger, Peter. "The Traditional Pueblo Wedding Vase and Its Meaning." YouTube. April 17, 2012.  
     Accessed October 28, 2018. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cqYAqAKfKVw. 

"David Bradley." Blue Rain Gallery. Accessed October 28, 2018.
     https://blueraingallery.com/artists/david-bradley/view-all.

"Miniature Wedding Jar." Denver Art Museum. Accessed October 28, 2018.
     https://denverartmuseum.org/object/2003.1020. 

"O'Keeffe, After Whistler." Denver Art Museum. Accessed October 28, 2018. 
    https://denverartmuseum.org/object/2012.315. 

"O'Keeffe's New Mexico." Georgia O'Keeffe Museum. Accessed October 28, 2018. 
    https://www.okeeffemuseum.org/installation/okeeffes-new-mexico/.

"Wanda Aragon (1948 – Present) Dzinats'ituwits'a." Adobe Gallery Art of the Southwest Indian 
    Alexander E Anthony Jr. Accessed October 28, 2018. 
    https://www.adobegallery.com/artist/Wanda_Aragon_b_1948118162199. 

Halito!

Sv hohchifo yvt Laura! sv (sah)=my hohchifo (hoh-che-fo)=name yvt (yaht)=subject marker. My name is Laura and I am a human living in Denver, Colorado. I am a member of the Choctaw Nation of Oklahoma. This blog is dedicated to my work, my passion, and my professional life. Please enjoy a selection of projects, papers, and other opportunities related to my career. Yakoke! (yah-ko-ke)=Thank you!